August 30, 2000
Lieberman's Revival of the Religious Left
By ELEANOR BROWN
WASHINGTON -- When we
hear the term "religious activists" on
the evening news, we think automatically of Jerry
Falwell, Pat Robertson and a parade of
conservative Christian evangelicals. But now Joe
Lieberman, a Jewish, mostly liberal Democrat
running for vice president, is talking about God,
and as he does so, reviving a potent tradition of
a different kind of religious activism, one that
that had lain dormant since an assassin's bullet
struck down Martin Luther King in 1968. When Mr.
Lieberman called for a "new spiritual
awakening" in America in a sermon Sunday at
a black church, he nourished the hope of those
more than ready for a rebirth of a nationally
prominent religious left.
Mr. Lieberman's presence on the ticket has
driven a wedge between the words
"religious" and "right," a
pairing that many had come to see as automatic.
His words echo Dr. King's in haunting ways. It
is "midnight within the moral order,"
Dr. King once wrote. "At midnight colors
lose their distinctiveness and become a sullen
shade of gray." He added, "Midnight is
the hour when men desperately seek to obey the
Eleventh Commandment, 'Thou shalt not get
caught.' "
Mr. Lieberman condemns a "values
vacuum," which he describes as "an
amorphous area where moral certainty fears to
tread" and where there are "fewer and
fewer bright lines and more and more blurs of
gray." For some, he says, "the Ten
Commandments have become little more than another
'do and don't' list."
Similar words about moral relativism might be
said by the religious right, of course, but to
far different political ends. If Mr. Lieberman
succeeds at reuniting morality and political
liberalism, he will have revived one of the most
powerful movements in American history -- a
potent force in the abolition of slavery, labor
reforms and the civil rights movement.
In the last few decades, the debate about
religion in public life has been unable to move
beyond a divisive standoff between religious
conservatives and liberal secularists who are
overwhelmingly hostile to public displays of
religiosity. These secularists have embraced an
understanding of the Constitution as mandating a
wall of separation between church and state. In
the interest of fostering social cooperation and
undermining religious bigotry, liberals insist
that we shed those aspects of our identities that
are non-negotiable -- including our religious
identities -- before entering the public sphere.
Liberals have misidentified the source of the
problem. What is problematic is not vibrant
religious activism in the public square, but the
consistent association of religious devotion with
a particular set of dogmatic political opinions.
And conservatives have exacerbated the
misconception with their strong-arm tactics and
unwillingness to entertain debate on their
political views.
Sadly, public religiosity is now automatically
associated with a core set of political
positions. The intensity of the fundamentalist
Christian conservative opposition to abortion may
be understandable, relating as it does to the
central religious idea of the sanctity of life.
However, the Christian conservatives have taken
on other controversial political positions with
no clear connection to religious belief. What,
for example, does Christianity have to do with
supply-side economics?
This is why Mr. Lieberman is so important. By
severing the connection between religious
devotion and political conservatism, he has
injected a new force into the wider political
debate. Although much has been made of his moral
rhetoric, he receives high ratings from liberal
groups and on many issues holds views
diametrically opposed to those of the religious
right. Mr. Lieberman demonstrates that people of
religious faith can, and do, disagree on
important political issues that imply deeply held
moral beliefs. More important, he represents a
willingness -- rarely seen among liberals at the
national level -- to ground his political
positions in specific religious commitments.
Eleanor Brown, a lawyer, is a fellow at the
New America Foundation.
Copyright 2000 The New York Times
Company