| Copyright New York Times Company May 5, 2005
Congress is still a few days away from establishing sweeping federal
requirements for a driver's license, including proof that an applicant's
presence in the United States is legal. But as Jorge Medina-Gonzalez
discovered late last year driving from a Home Depot with a can of paint,
the rules of the road in places like Nutley, N.J., have already
changed.
Mr. Medina, 42, was close to home when two Nutley police officers
stopped his Jeep Cherokee because of a broken taillight. They asked for
his license and registration, then his Social Security number. In the few
minutes it took them to search a national database in a curbside version
of the kind of checks that Congress is about to require nationwide, the
American life Mr. Medina had built over 13 years began to crumble.
Like many of the estimated 10 million illegal residents in this
country, Mr. Medina -- who came here in 1991 to escape poverty and
political violence in his native Guatemala -- has repeatedly tried to
legalize his status through shifting rules set by Congress, and the delays
of an overwhelmed immigration system. He stood before the police as a
taxpaying Nutley homeowner with no criminal record, the father of two
United States citizens, and a cook at a New York catering company that was
sponsoring him for a green card.
But the computer search came back with a single message: immigration
authorities, at one point, had ordered him deported. His driver's license
became a one-way ticket to immigration jail, where he remains.
Supporters of the provision known as Real ID, which is being fine-tuned
in a House and Senate conference committee this week, say it is primarily
needed to keep driver's licenses out of the hands of terrorists and
criminals. But immigrant advocates say one of its biggest effects will be
to trip up workers like Mr. Medina, opening a trapdoor into a system of
criminal penalties with few protections.
''The intention is to prevent hijackers and terrorists from getting
licenses that would let them get on planes,'' said Benjamin Bratter, an
immigration lawyer who is appealing an order of deportation entered
against Mr. Medina in 2001, arguing in part that a previous lawyer had
botched the case. ''But look at who gets caught up in this -- a guy like
Jorge, a lay minister, a father of two. This can't be the intended
result.''
That result, however, is welcomed by advocates for restricting
immigration, who say Real ID will deter illegal immigrants by making it
harder for them to use driver's licenses to open bank accounts, buy homes
and put down roots.
An immigration judge ordered Mr. Medina deported in 2001 after denying
his bid for political asylum, pending since 1993, saying that conditions
in Guatemala had improved.
Mr. Medina's case highlights the way tougher licensing policies adopted
over the last two years in states like New York and New Jersey have
already converged with the 2002 decision by Attorney General John Ashcroft
to add many civil immigration matters to the National Crime Information
Center database, which is maintained by the F.B.I. and checked by the
police even in routine traffic stops.
Pending court challenges in New York have slowed the effects of these
changes, and temporarily halted the suspension of an estimated 300,000 New
York licenses, most held by noncitizens. Real ID provisions, which are
expected to be attached to a must-pass Iraq appropriations bill as early
as next week, would most likely supersede the court challenges, and would
require a vast expansion of the immigration records and national computer
databases to be checked whenever anyone tries to get or renew a driver's
license.
New Jersey is still phasing in a legislative overhaul of licensing that
took effect in 2003, including a requirement that applicants show their
presence is legal, according to Gordon Deal, a spokesman for the State
Motor Vehicle Commission. A recent check by the commission found
discrepancies between Social Security Administration records and the
Social Security numbers provided by a half-million New Jersey drivers.
The shifting terrain for immigrants caught Mr. Medina and his wife,
Ruth, unprepared, they said, because their first lawyer never notified
them that an immigration appeals board had confirmed a deportation order
against Mr. Medina in 2002. The lawyer had reassured them that his case
was still proceeding.
''We put our last penny in this house,'' said Mrs. Medina, in the
two-bedroom home they bought late in 2003, a step up from the one-bedroom
apartment in Union City where they had been raising Daniela, now 9, and
Raquel, 6. ''We were doing our life, like normal people.''
Normal, that is, for immigrants in the gray area occupied by families
like the Medinas. Mrs. Medina, as a Honduran citizen, has only ''temporary
protected status,'' renewed from year to year, that allows her to live and
work here. Mr. Medina had been issued annual work permits for years, but
saw one green card application derailed when his sponsor, the owner of
Word of Mouth Foods, died unexpectedly about four years ago.
He started over with a new application, but his first lawyer failed to
file the necessary papers until after Mr. Medina was stopped by the police
.
The Rev. Brian Jordan, a Franciscan friar and immigrant advocate who
visited Mr. Medina in immigration detention in Elizabeth last week,
described the episode as an Orwellian descent into the unexplained.
''He was taken to the Nutley police station, put in a cell and was
never told why he was being incarcerated,'' Father Jordan said. When
immigration authorities had no agent available to pick him up, Mr. Medina
was released, but told to report to an immigration office near Newark
International Airport.
There, an immigration officer was reassuring, saying he had not
reviewed the file but would call him in a few days.
A week later, when the officer asked Mr. Medina to come in, he and his
wife went together, unable to reach their lawyer and confident that it was
a routine check-in. Instead, the agent told Mr. Medina to hand over his
belt and say goodbye to his wife: he was to be detained and deported.
Even after Citizenship and Immigration Services, an arm of the
Department of Homeland Security, provisionally granted Mr. Medina's
employer-sponsored petition in March -- with a push from Representative
Charles B. Rangel -- Mr. Medina was still in detention, still fighting
deportation.
Mr. Bratter said a lawyer for the agency told him she was willing to
file a joint motion to reopen the deportation case in favor of Mr. Medina,
but was waiting for authorization. Instead, he said, Mr. Medina was
pressed to sign travel documents in an effort to send him back to
Guatemala immediately.
When he refused to sign, immigration agents threatened him with
criminal prosecution under an obscure 1952 federal statute that carries up
to four years in prison for interfering with a deportation.
''There's an existing deportation order, and our mission in restoring
integrity to the immigration system is enforcing the lawful orders of a
federal immigration judge,'' said Manny Van Pelt, a spokesman for
Immigration and Customs Enforcement. He said recalcitrant detainees were
being prosecuted under the 1952 law.
After Mr. Bratter intervened, government lawyers decided not to
prosecute Mr. Medina, said Michael Drewniak, a spokesman for the United
States attorney's office in Newark. But that still leaves Mr. Medina
facing deportation.
''The little one just doesn't really understand what's going on,'' said
Mrs. Medina, who has sold her car. ''She just wants her daddy back.''
| [Photograph] |
| Jorge and Ruth Medina in 2000. Federal
authorities are trying to deport him. (pg. B1); Ruth Medina in
Nutley, N.J., with her daughters, Raquel, 6, and Daniela, 9, and the
Rev. Brian Jordan, an immigrant advocate who has been trying to free
her husband from detention and a deportation order. (Photo by Norman
Y. Lono for The New York Times)(pg. B6) |
|