Negotiating the Trade Treaty: A Warning

The Perry treaty of 1854 provided for the appointment of a U.S. Consul in Japan as the preliminary to opening trade negotiations. Harris arrived in Japan in August 1856 and after some difficulty--officials endeavored to get him to leave and return in a year--was set up, along with his Dutch-speaking secretary and interpreter Henry Heusken, at the port of Shimoda. Despite continuous urging by Harris, which was met by the usual Japanese delaying tactics of referring every request, great or trivial, to the Shogun's palace at Edo, it took over a year before the arrangements were made for his trip to the capital. Meanwhile he had exerted great pressure on local Shimoda officials; apprising the Bakufu of the importance of his visit and the dignity of his office, warning them about British intentions that might be far less advantageous to Japan, and insisting to the point of war on a personal audience with the Shogun for the delivery of the letter he bore from President Buchanan. There were many objections to his visit to Edo, especially from anti-foreign daimyo elements who considered it would bring "national disgrace" to Japan's dignity as a nation. The Bakufu, given the military weakness of the country, had no choice but to surrender and authorize negotiations to begin. Preliminary work was done at Shimoda in June 1857 and finalized in Edo between December of that year and the following February. It was finally signed in late July 1858 and, giving the nod to Harris's patriotic flourish, went into effect on July 4, 1859. The following are selected comments of Harris from his interview with the senior Bakufu Grand Councillor Hotta Masayoshi on Dec. 12, 1857

The matters concerning which I am now about to speak are of the utmost importance, and are so regarded by the President; . . .please regard what I say as coming directly from the President . . . As the treaty made with the United States was the first treaty entered into by your country with other countries, therefore the President regards Japan with peculiar friendliness. The United States have no possessions in the east and do not desire to have any, as other countries do . . .

. . . Many changes have taken place in the West within the last fifty years. Since the invention of steamships distant countries have become like those that are near at hand. Since the invention of the electric telegraph especially, rapid communication may be had between the most distant parts. By means of this instrument a reply may be had in an hour to a message sent from Yedo to Washington. By means of steam one can go from California to Japan in eighteen days. Commerce has become very extensive since the invention of steam, and the countries of the West have in consequence become rich. The nations of the West hope that by means of steam communication all the world will become as one family. Any nation that refuses to hold intercourse with other nations must expect to be excluded from this family. No nation has the right to refuse to hold intercourse with others.

Two things are desired in order that intercourse may be had: First, that a minister or agent be allowed to reside at the capital. Second, that commerce between different countries be freely allowed. Not only America but also all other countries desire the above-mentioned two things; and to grant them would be for the benefit of all, and not for the benefit of the United States only. Misfortunes are now threatening Japan in consequence of the state of things in England and other European states. . . . The English Government hopes to hold the same kind of intercourse with Japan as she holds with other nations, and is ready to make war with Japan . . . Japan and China are isolated and without intercourse with other countries; hence the President directed me to attend to or watch the state of affairs in China also.

Eighteen years ago a war broke out between England and China, which might have been avoided by an agent residing in the capital of China. . . . By this war China was greatly weakened, and her cities and fortifications were destroyed.. Thus China, though formerly very strong, has become weak as she was when conquered by the Tartars. . . .The two nations England and France are now engaged in war with China, and what will be the result as respects China no one can conjecture. The indications are at present that China will yield to the demands of England and France. . . . In any case, the action of China can only result in rendering England stronger. . . . If the present war ceases, China must pay all the costs of the war.

The above facts are mentioned that you may be on your guard and take proper care. I am quite certain that the war would not have broken out had an agent been admitted to reside in Peking. The Governments of England and France asked the United States to unite in the war against China, but the President refused. The United States was also provoked by the Chinese; but, not being anxious for war, the government refused to unite with England and France.

. . . It appears that the English think the Japanese . . are fond of opium, and they want to bring it here also. If a man use opium once he cannot stop it, and it becomes a life-long habit to use opium; hence the English want to introduce it into Japan. The President of the United States thinks that for the Japanese opium is more dangerous than war. The expense of a war could be paid in time; but the expense of opium, when once the habit is formed, will only increase with time. The President wishes the Japanese to be very prudent about the introduction of opium, and if a treaty is made, he wishes that opium may be strictly prohibited. If American merchants should bring opium to Japan, the Japanese authorities may burn it or do what they please with it. . . . The President assures you that if you have intercourse with other countries, and allow agents to reside in the capital, the country will be quite safe . . .

The President regards the Japanese as a brave people; but courage, though useful in time of war, is subordinate to knowledge of arts; hence, courage without such knowledge is not to be highly esteemed. In time of war steamships and improved arms are the most important things. If war should break out between England and Japan, the latter would suffer much more than the former. The damage that might be done to Japan on the coast alone is very great. . . .

If Japan had been near to either England or France, war would have broken out long ago. The great distance between the countries is the reason why peace has been preserved thus long. In case of war, a treaty would have to be made at the end of the war. The President wants to make a treaty without any war, and with mutual goodwill and respect. . . . The President is of opinion that if Japan makes a treaty with the United States, all other foreign countries will make the same kind of a treaty, and Japan will be safe thereafter. The President wants to make a treaty that will be honorable to Japan, without war, in a peaceable manner, after deliberate consultation. If Japan should make a treaty with the ambassador of the United States [i.e., Harris himself], who has come unattended by military force, her honor will not be impaired. There will be a great difference between a treaty made with a single individual, unattended, and one made with a person who should bring fifty men-of-war to these shores. We were sent to this country by the President, who desires to promote the welfare of Japan, and are quite different from the ambassadors of other countries. We do not wish to open your ports to foreign trade all at once. It will be quite satisfactory if you open them gradually, as the circumstances may require; but the President assures you that this will not be the case if you make a treaty with England first.

If you make a treaty first with the United States and settle the matter of the opium trade, England cannot change this, though she should desire to do so. When the ambassadors of other foreign countries come to Japan to make treaties, they can be told that such and such a treaty has been made with the ambassador of the United States, and they will rest satisfied with this ....

On my way to Japan I met the English governor of Hong-Kong, John Bowring, who told me that he was about to be appointed an ambassador to go to Japan, and I have received four letters from him since my arrival in Japan. Our conversation was of course private, but in his letters he discusses Japanese Government matters. He says he intends to bring with him a larger fleet than the Japanese have ever seen, and anchor at Yedo, where the discussions will be carried on. He says also that Yedo is the only place to hold consultation with the Japanese; that his object is, first, to get permission for a minister or agent of England to reside in Yedo, and, secondly, to get permission to carry on free trade at several places in Japan. If these two things are not granted war will be declared at once. The sending this ambassador he says is delayed by the war in China. He said he would be in Yedo in the third month, but he has been detained by the war. France will also send an ambassador at the same time with England. I understood from the first that he would come with many ships. In his last letter I learn that he will come with more than fifty steamers. I think he will come to Japan as soon as the Chinese war, which detains him, ends. . . . I hope therefore that you will arrange all matters before he comes. In my opinion it will be necessary in any case to make a commercial treaty.

If I write in my name to the agents of England and France residing in Asia and inform them that Japan is ready to make a commercial treaty with their countries, the number of steamers will be reduced from fifty to two or three . . . I have today told you what is the opinion of the President and the intention of the English government. Today will be the happiest day of my life if what I have said is attended to so as to secure the welfare of Japan. I hope you will consider what I have advanced and communicated to your associates in office. What I have told you are unadorned facts acknowledged in all the world.

[Ref.: Foreign Relations of the U.S., Series 1902, 1879]

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