The
following comments are
extracted from various communications
passing through the British Foreign Office and represent the views of government
ministers, officials, ambassadors and others, as noted. It is clear that both the British and
French governments were receiving reliable information from both their own and
German sources as to the pace and extent of German rearmament beyond the limits
authorized by Part V of the Treaty of Versailles. It is also clear that the British
government was disinclined to 'rock the boat' by provoking any premature public
disclosure of what they knew. (a) Foreign Office to British Ambassador at Berlin, Oct. 11, 1934
. . . . There is now no prospect of a Disarmament Convention and not even of a legalization of Germany's illegal armaments. There is little inducement therefore to keep up appearances on either side. Besides, the continuous growth of Germany's armaments makes both secrecy [on Germany's part] and feigned ignorance [on Britain's part] increasingly difficult.
We have therefore been considering whether it is worth while maintaining our previous attitude; and whether the Berlin Embassy [i.e., Britain's officials in Berlin] should not from now onwards in their intercourse with German Ministers and officials, proceed . . . on the assumption that each side tacitly recognizes Germany's violation and Germany's intention to violate Part V of the Treaty of Versailles. . . .
. . . Moreover, now that violation is becoming so frequent, repeated repudiation by the German Government would only make us look ridiculous; whilst if the Germans do not repudiate [accusations of rearming], we might find ourselves faced with an official declaration by the German Government that they do not any longer consider themselves bound by Part V of the Treaty. That would produce a very acute situation which we do not want to bring about at the present time if we can help it . . .It will be highly desirable that the subject of this letter should not be mentioned outside the Embassy. . . (149- 50)
(b) Information received by the British Embassy at Paris, October 24, 1934
. . . General Gamelin [Chief of the French General Staff] told me [embassy official] that they had just received some very interesting information regarding the development of German air armaments . . . (and) the increase in German land armaments . . . it was now clear that the army Germany was preparing was not one of 300,000 men including the Reichswehr [i.e., the regular army allowed under the treaty of Versailles], but one of 300,000 short-service men in addition to the 100,000 long-service men of the Reichswehr who would be employed to form cadres. If one added to this that portion of the Police forces which was organized in units and kept in barracks and the number of S.S. and S.A. [i.e., Nazi paramilitary forces] who were present on duty at any one time, it meant that Germany would very shortly have at her disposal forces amounting to 600,000 men in peacetime . . . (and) work was going on in the preparation of aerodromes . . .(168- 69)
(c) Memoranda on German Rearmament, based on conversations with German Ministry of Defense higher officers, prepared by the British military attachés at Berlin for the Foreign Office, November 21, 1934.
. . . With practically every activity secret and concealed, the Ministry of Defense is evidently feeling the difficulty of the present situation very keenly, and there seems no doubt that they are increasingly anxious for a convention to legalize their rearmament . . . This secret rearmament was described as being forced on them; they had tried every means to obtain recognition of the fact that they were defenseless, a humiliation they felt they did not deserve, and they had adopted their present method as the best possible way of attaining security and of removing from aggressively-minded neighbors the temptation which their defenseless state presented. They realized that both the French and the British were very well informed as to the progress of their rearmament . . .
. . . though the veil has been drawn over all military activities, these are too universal for effective concealment. The Defense Ministry evidently realize how alarmed Europe has become as a result of this secret activity and they have thought it either expedient or necessary to lift the veil partially. . . . it is clearly their intention to allow the German army to be on public view by February next.
I can state certain broad facts with complete assurance:
1. Germany is without question creating an Air Force of the first class . .
.
2. Factories are greatly increasing their output of airplanes and engines . .
.
3. A very large number of pilots, far beyond the requirements of civil
aviation, are being trained . . . (230-36)
(d) Memorandum on German Rearmament prepared by the Foreign Office for the Secretary of State, November 24, 1934
. . . In considering at what point this German rearmament will become dangerous it would be unwise to assume that this will only be when Germany will have attained the position of being able to wage an aggressive was against a major Power or a combination of Powers. This may not be for many years yet. But a danger point will be reached long before then. Namely, at the moment when, in her own opinion, German feels herself sufficiently armed to secure compliance with the sort of demand which she is likely to wish to make upon individual Powers without risk of retaliation or resistance . . . It will be convenient to describe this more immediate danger point as 'zero hour'. . . .
When 'zero hour' is reached, we may take it that Germany's policy will become increasingly arrogant without being actually aggressive. Instead of emitting protests and airing grievances Germany will make demands and assert rights. All present indications seem to show that she will begin by freeing herself from the shackles of Part 5 of the Treaty of Versailles . . . Once she has achieved that, she may be expected to turn her attention to the absorption of Austria and the penetration of central Europe.
An overstrong Germany is not in the interest of Great Britain . . . If Germany adopted the policy of open defiance, it would probably take the form of a definite repudiation of Part 5 of the Treaty of Versailles in disregard of the League (of Nations). We--and the League--should have to acquiesce in this defiance, for the coercion of Germany in such circumstances would be inconceivable. . . . (247-51)
(e) The Secretary of State to the British ambassador at Berlin, November 26, 1934
. . . Rumors have been prevalent for some time past that Germany is engaged on a
large scale reorganization of her military forces. We believe that these rumors are
founded on fact and that Germany is expanding her 100,000 long service army into a
peace-time short service army of 300,000 men . . . (who) will be equipped with a wide
range of modern weapons.
. . . Aerodromes are rapidly being constructed and the output of Germany's
aircraft industry has doubled within the last six months . . .
. . . to impress Hitler with the seriousness of European concern so that he may in
due course, but without express request from us, make his own observations in reply.
(252-3)
[Note: When Sir Eric Phipps was received by Hitler on Nov. 27 he was subjected to a characteristic outburst from the Fuehrer on Britain's "expressing perturbation at German armament when complete silence was maintained over monster armaments of France and Russia." Germany, Hitler declared, would no longer allow other States "to wipe their boots on her." As the ambassador concluded, "This awkward interview closed on a coldly polite note." In a separate communication a day later, Phipps elaborated on the interview: "Whilst I spoke he [Hitler] eyed me hungrily like a tiger. I derived the distinct impression that had my nationality and status been different I should have formed part of his evening meal."!] (257-58, 268)
(f) Sir Eric Phipps (Berlin) to the Foreign Secretary, March 7, 1935
I learn from a perfectly trustworthy source that German 'disarmament' expert in
Ministry of Foreign Affairs gives the following details regarding German re-armament
position.
Within a month Germany expects to be stronger in the air than France. Within a
year she should be stronger on land than France.
She will not be content with the same military strength as the French but will
demand a strength proportionate to her population . . .
The German expert expressed intense surprise that France had allowed Germany
to get so strong. (614)
(g) Sir Eric Phipps (Berlin) to the Foreign Secretary, March 16, 1935
Chancellor [Hitler] who returned here last night, has just summoned me and
informed me in the presence of Baron von Neurath [Foreign Minister] that the German
Government has decided, in reply to the two years period of service voted yesterday by
the French Parliament, to bring in universal military conscription in Germany at once.
Peace army will consist of about 500,000 men . . .
Proclamation to this effect has been issued to the German nation.
(646)
[Ref.: E.L. Woodward et al., Documents on British Foreign Policy, 1919-1939 (H.M.S.O.), 2nd series, XII]
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